Egypt’s interim government is doing all in its power to take the country forward despite gnats within and without biting its heels to drag the nation backwards.
On Saturday, the results of a nationwide referendum on the new constitution were announced and with 98.1 percent of voters registering an overwhelming ‘yes’ and a respectable turnout of 38.6 percent, the authorities bill the vote as “an unprecedented success.” That’s no exaggeration when the Muslim Brotherhood warned Egyptians not to cast their ballots or risk their lives. And as if to prove a point, a bomb exploded outside a Cairo courthouse, just hours before polling stations opened their doors, a terrorist act that only served to energise the ‘yes’ camp. Egyptians are not easily intimidated.
The sceptical may raise their eyebrows at the result. The Muslim Brotherhood has described the process “a farce,” insisting only 10 percent of those eligible to vote turned up. Some outside the country may be taken-in by its propaganda because for some strange reason the western media generally reported a low turnout. Egyptian television stations, however, showed split screens of winding queues outside polling stations in every governorate and scenes of jubilation. Anyone switching between mainstream foreign networks and local channels could be forgiven for wondering whether there are two countries called Egypt. Unfortunately for the Brotherhood, foreign monitoring organisations, which observed the vote, announced it was “technically” free and fair while objecting to the polarised atmosphere.
Some 55 percent of voters were women, many ululating, dancing or singing while holding up posters of Defence Minister General Abdul Fattah Al Sissi; at least three were caught on video breaking down in tears of joy. Others handed out single red roses to members of the security forces. There were elderly people with Zimmer frames and others in wheelchairs. Young couples carried toddlers dressed in military uniform on their shoulders.
Few had read through the constitution but most understood that it affords increased rights for women, workers and the fellaheen [agricultural labourers]; many interviewed said they came to register their objection to terrorism and to urge Al Sissi to run for the top job. In short, the reason why so many said “yes” is simple. The Muslim Brotherhood and activists within the so-called Anti-Coup Alliance chose to boycott the proceedings, preferring instead to plot yet another revolution on January 25—marking the anniversary of the popular uprising that unseated president Mubarak in 2011.
No doubt Al Sissi has a dilemma on his hands. While most analysts predict that if he goes for it, he will triumph by a landslide. Whether he does or he doesn’t, the risks are great. At this time, he is basking in adulation from a vast swathe of the nation that sees him as a saviour from a leader who was driving the country towards ruin and, possibly, civil war. Expectations are high, but can he meet them?
Approval rating
Traditionally new leaders enjoy a honeymoon period of around eight months when the population exercises patience. If they’re unable to bring about meaningful social and economic improvements within that timeframe, their approval rating plummets. That goes for everywhere in the world. At this juncture, any Egyptian president would require a magic wand to place the country on a solid footing; thus were the general to fail, his lofty pedestal would be in jeopardy.
Secondly, if he decided on a presidential bid, he would be required to take off his uniform and relinquish his post as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces. The dangers that move could entail don’t have to be spelt out. It appears His Highness Shaikh Mohammad Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, vice-president and prime minister of the UAE and ruler of Dubai is aware of that hazard. Asked whether he thought Al Sissi should be president during a recent interview conducted by the BBC’s Jon Sopel, he replied, “I hope he stays in the army and somebody [else] is elected because I think it is important for him to be the head of the army. He’s a strong man and a very good man for Egypt.”
Thirdly, should he decide to throw his hat in the ring, the pro-Mursi, anti-coup propagandists would have a field day. They would milk their claim that Al Sissi unseated Mursi to serve his own ambitions for all it’s worth. The majority of Egyptians wouldn’t believe a word of it—rightly so, in my view. But the allegation would likely resonate in those foreign capitals that were quick to forgive Mursi’s flaws, yet never cease to undermine the current government.
But if Al Sissi goes for the prudent option of staying where he is, his most fervent supporters will feel disappointed, perhaps even betrayed. There is no standout alternative besides Amr Mousa, who chaired the 50-strong constitutional committee; he’s enjoying resurgent popularity, but he has declined to compete. There is no one able to garner the nation’s trust in the same way that Al Sissi has and whoever else comes will struggle to shine under the general’s shadow, which could translate to a short-lived term of office. Egypt’s adored military man says he will run only if the people want him to and the armed forces agree. The referendum’s outcome was favourable, but it may take millions going to the streets to show their love to seal his destiny—and with it Egypt’s—once and for all.
Linda S. Heard is a British specialist writer on Middle East affairs. She welcomes feedback and can be contacted by email at heardonthegrapevines@yahoo.co.uk.
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Should Egypt’s army chief run for president?
Posted on January 23, 2014 by Linda S. Heard
Egypt’s interim government is doing all in its power to take the country forward despite gnats within and without biting its heels to drag the nation backwards.
On Saturday, the results of a nationwide referendum on the new constitution were announced and with 98.1 percent of voters registering an overwhelming ‘yes’ and a respectable turnout of 38.6 percent, the authorities bill the vote as “an unprecedented success.” That’s no exaggeration when the Muslim Brotherhood warned Egyptians not to cast their ballots or risk their lives. And as if to prove a point, a bomb exploded outside a Cairo courthouse, just hours before polling stations opened their doors, a terrorist act that only served to energise the ‘yes’ camp. Egyptians are not easily intimidated.
The sceptical may raise their eyebrows at the result. The Muslim Brotherhood has described the process “a farce,” insisting only 10 percent of those eligible to vote turned up. Some outside the country may be taken-in by its propaganda because for some strange reason the western media generally reported a low turnout. Egyptian television stations, however, showed split screens of winding queues outside polling stations in every governorate and scenes of jubilation. Anyone switching between mainstream foreign networks and local channels could be forgiven for wondering whether there are two countries called Egypt. Unfortunately for the Brotherhood, foreign monitoring organisations, which observed the vote, announced it was “technically” free and fair while objecting to the polarised atmosphere.
Some 55 percent of voters were women, many ululating, dancing or singing while holding up posters of Defence Minister General Abdul Fattah Al Sissi; at least three were caught on video breaking down in tears of joy. Others handed out single red roses to members of the security forces. There were elderly people with Zimmer frames and others in wheelchairs. Young couples carried toddlers dressed in military uniform on their shoulders.
Few had read through the constitution but most understood that it affords increased rights for women, workers and the fellaheen [agricultural labourers]; many interviewed said they came to register their objection to terrorism and to urge Al Sissi to run for the top job. In short, the reason why so many said “yes” is simple. The Muslim Brotherhood and activists within the so-called Anti-Coup Alliance chose to boycott the proceedings, preferring instead to plot yet another revolution on January 25—marking the anniversary of the popular uprising that unseated president Mubarak in 2011.
No doubt Al Sissi has a dilemma on his hands. While most analysts predict that if he goes for it, he will triumph by a landslide. Whether he does or he doesn’t, the risks are great. At this time, he is basking in adulation from a vast swathe of the nation that sees him as a saviour from a leader who was driving the country towards ruin and, possibly, civil war. Expectations are high, but can he meet them?
Approval rating
Traditionally new leaders enjoy a honeymoon period of around eight months when the population exercises patience. If they’re unable to bring about meaningful social and economic improvements within that timeframe, their approval rating plummets. That goes for everywhere in the world. At this juncture, any Egyptian president would require a magic wand to place the country on a solid footing; thus were the general to fail, his lofty pedestal would be in jeopardy.
Secondly, if he decided on a presidential bid, he would be required to take off his uniform and relinquish his post as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces. The dangers that move could entail don’t have to be spelt out. It appears His Highness Shaikh Mohammad Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, vice-president and prime minister of the UAE and ruler of Dubai is aware of that hazard. Asked whether he thought Al Sissi should be president during a recent interview conducted by the BBC’s Jon Sopel, he replied, “I hope he stays in the army and somebody [else] is elected because I think it is important for him to be the head of the army. He’s a strong man and a very good man for Egypt.”
Thirdly, should he decide to throw his hat in the ring, the pro-Mursi, anti-coup propagandists would have a field day. They would milk their claim that Al Sissi unseated Mursi to serve his own ambitions for all it’s worth. The majority of Egyptians wouldn’t believe a word of it—rightly so, in my view. But the allegation would likely resonate in those foreign capitals that were quick to forgive Mursi’s flaws, yet never cease to undermine the current government.
But if Al Sissi goes for the prudent option of staying where he is, his most fervent supporters will feel disappointed, perhaps even betrayed. There is no standout alternative besides Amr Mousa, who chaired the 50-strong constitutional committee; he’s enjoying resurgent popularity, but he has declined to compete. There is no one able to garner the nation’s trust in the same way that Al Sissi has and whoever else comes will struggle to shine under the general’s shadow, which could translate to a short-lived term of office. Egypt’s adored military man says he will run only if the people want him to and the armed forces agree. The referendum’s outcome was favourable, but it may take millions going to the streets to show their love to seal his destiny—and with it Egypt’s—once and for all.
Linda S. Heard is a British specialist writer on Middle East affairs. She welcomes feedback and can be contacted by email at heardonthegrapevines@yahoo.co.uk.